By Sage Ertman, Policy Intern
In Part
I of this blog
series I addressed the changing political climate in the United States and
abroad. Between the Clean Power Plan, last year’s climate change conference in
Paris, and the ambitious goals set by Canada, Mexico and the US at this
year’s North American Leaders’ Summit, world leaders are demonstrating their
much needed commitment to a sustainable future in energy.
Part II of this series discusses how powerful forces in the US have
shown much resistance to the movement toward renewable energy.
Attacks On Renewable Energy Policy
Fossil fuel and
utility companies play a large role in financing attacks on clean energy
policies. As clean energy alternatives gain more traction, companies selling
coal, oil and gas are doing whatever they can to delay the growth of this
mounting competition in the energy marketplace. These sustainable resources are
becoming cheaper every year and are expected to continue doing so. As such, some entities view renewable
energy as a significant threat to global reliance on fossil fuels.
One of the
primary methods used by these fossil fuel proponents is the funding of front
groups that serve to add seemingly independent voices to the anti-clean energy
platform. One report suggests that these front groups,
motivated by financial and political interests, are attacking the practice of net metering and the use of renewable energy standards in order to make switching to renewable
energy less affordable and less appealing.
For example, the
Edison Electric Institute (a trade association representing all US
investor-owned electric companies, i.e. the entire utility industry) launched a campaign in recent years to repeal or weaken net metering laws. EEI
issued a report
criticizing net metering as “not fair” and arguing that not only do the
customers using distributed generation (DG) systems avoid paying for the utility’s
power since they produce their own, they also avoid paying for the fixed costs
of the grid. These efforts function to spread biased information about the
impact of solar on the grid; though EEI correctly pointed out that rooftop
solar passes inflated costs onto other ratepayers, it neglects to weigh any
associated benefits. For example, recent
research by the Brookings Institution found that distributed solar systems
(e.g. rooftop solar) and net metering, more often than not, actually provide a
net benefit to ratepayers, meaning the benefit to all ratepayers exceeds what
solar customers receive in net-metering credits. A report
by the Frontier Group and Environment America found that distributed solar
offers net benefits to the entire electric grid through reduced capital
investment costs, avoided energy costs, and reduced environmental compliance
costs.
While regulators
and utilities do need to work together to develop strategies to efficiently
integrate DG technologies into the grid, instituting a fair utility cost-recovery
strategy does not need to simultaneously weaken or eliminate net metering
policies. Unfortunately, in 2015 alone, utility interests successfully weakened net metering
policies in at least 16
states.
In a developed
and educated society, these financially motivated efforts ideally should do no
more than delay the inevitable. The shift to renewable energy is a logical and
necessary step on the path to mitigating the harm we have caused to this planet
and its inhabitants. In
Part III I will discuss various political views
on climate change and how those views may shape energy policy in the U.S.,
especially following the 2016 Presidential election.
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