By Andrea Lang, Energy Fellow
Congress’s last day of work this year saw
a major win and a major loss in terms of transitioning away from fossil fuels.
The victory was in extending the Production Tax Credit (PTC) and the Investment
Tax Credit (ITC) for wind and solar development, respectively. However, to pass
these extensions, Democrats on Capitol Hill had to agree to lift a 40-year-old
ban on exporting crude oil. Despite this loss, I think the deal represents two
steps forward and one step back in terms of the transition away from fossil
fuels.
Two steps forward…
First, the deal
extends the PTC for a full five years. ThePTC is a production-based credit of 2.3 cents per kilowatt-hour (KWh) of
energy produced from wind, geothermal, and closed-loop biomass, and has
primarily been used for wind energy. It has been tremendously important for
providing financing for the relatively capital-intensive development of new
wind energy projects, since the credit enables developers to get financing from
banks and other institutions in exchange for the tax credit. Unfortunately, the
wind industry has been in a boom-and-bust kind of cycle for years as Congress has repeatedly only
extended the PTC for a year or two, and sometimes only retroactively. This
uncertainty in the ability to get the credit has made financing and developing
wind projects, which often takes several years, difficult. The five-year
extension Congress agreed to on December 18 would thus give the wind industry
much some needed certainty. To ensure the wind industry can survive if Congress
lets the PTC permanently expire in five years, the deal also slowly ramps down
the amount of the tax credit so that the industry has time to adjust and become
cost-competitive in the absence of the PTC. The wind industry itself recognizes that the PTC cannot last forever, and this
deal finally puts in place a solid plan to grow the industry in the short-term
and help it find its footing in the long-term.
Second, the deal extends the ITC,
the tax credit that helps finance primarily solar projects by crediting 30% of
eligible costs of developing projects. The ITC, which would have expired at the
end of 2016, is now set to extend at its existing 30% rate until 2019, and then gradually decline
down to 10% by 2022. Moreover, the bill changes the eligibility date for the
ITC from the date the project is “placed in service” to the date it “commences
construction.” This is hugely important for solar developers seeking tax equity
investors because it provides more certainty that their projects will receive
the tax credit. Because solar projects often take years to develop, and there
is a certain unpredictability in how long some permit processes take, the “commence construction” provision removes some of this uncertainty and should make it
easier for projects to find investors. Between the long-term extension and the
modification for eligibility, the ITC extension is a huge win for the solar
industry and for the transition away from fossil fuels. Indeed, Greentech Media projects that the ITC extension will add 25 more gigawatts of
solar-generated electricity to the grid by 2020, over 50% more than would be
added without the extension.
…One step back
The price wind and solar advocates had to pay to get the
much needed tax credit extensions was the lifting of a 40-year-old ban on
exporting crude oil from the United States. The ban was put in place in 1975
with the passage of the Energy Policy and Conservation Act. Its purpose was to
protect the domestic oil supply in the face of the 1973 OPEC oil embargo and
the corresponding spike in oil prices.
Now, with the fracking boom providing access to shale oil, domestic
oil production has vastly increased from 5.6 million barrels per day in 2011 to
9.3 million barrels per day in 2015. Oil producers wanted to see a larger market for
their domestically produced product, and lifting the ban has done that.
Ironically, this has happened at a time when there is an oversupply
of crude oil on the global market, so there is little demand right now for
U.S.-produced crude oil. But whether or not the market for oil changes, the
lifting of the ban is likely to lead to increased oil production domestically,
as producers hope the price goes back up and they can sell their product
overseas. That means more oil—and associated carbon emissions—coming out of the
ground that really should be left there. Additionally, lifting the ban may also
lead to a bigger push to increase infrastructure to transport the oil to ports
for shipping oversees (see my post on the Tesoro Savage project from a few weeks ago).
A win?
Just looking at the impact the deal will likely have on
emissions, the compromise is probably a win, albeit a tough one to swallow. The
Council on Foreign Relations estimated last Friday that accounting for both
emission reductions as a result of the tax credit extensions and the emission
increases from lifting the crude oil export ban, the deal would result in
anywhere from 20–40 million metric tons less of CO2 emissions
annually over the next five years. The argument that the renewable tax credit
extensions would eliminate about 10 times more carbon emissions than lifting
the crude export ban would add was exactly the argument Democratic minority leader
Nancy Pelosi used to convince wary democrats to vote for the bills.
Of course, the estimate does not take into account what
happens if the PTC is phased out and the ITC reduces permanently to a 10%
credit in five years. Nevertheless, the tax credits, coupled with States’ need
to comply with the Clean Power Plan, should lead to substantial renewable
development with the potential to displace gigawatts of fossil fuel-generated
electricity over the next five years. Even though the extensions came at a high
cost, it is probably the best we could have hoped for from this Congress.
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